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Archive for the ‘Politics, Northern Ireland’ Category

An Important Book

An Important Book

It is one of those unnerving reminders of the passage of time that most journalists talking about Maria McGuire, the day after she was outed as a Tory member of Croydon Council had not heard of her before.  Her defection from the Provisional IRA in 1972 was a huge story at the time and her book – glibly dismissed as ‘kiss and tell’ – opened the door on meetings of the IRA leadership at the very height of their campaign like no other book has done.

McGuire admits to her naivete so can hardly be damned for it.

Her contribution to the writing of the history of the IRA is massive and something that journalists should be glad of; it is not something they should be sneering at.

As for Peter Latham, the man who outed her and thereby exposed her to the danger that an IRA death sentence against her will be revived; he has trifled in more serious matters than her knows for a local political advantage. The risk of Maria Gatland (as she is now known) being shot is low – about as low as the risk to Mark Gartland and Sean O’Callaghan. I don’t see them relaxing their security.

But there is another principle: that people should not suffer for what they did in youth, if they have themselves reassessed those things and moved on from them. There are many others who were in the IRA in the early seventies and went on to distinguish themselves in other ways.  Why should they be harassed now?

We have Gregory Campbell in the papers demanding an apology from Maria Gatland. If he had read her book, he would know that he already has it.

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BBC discussion on religion

The BBC has been running a series of items on the decline of religion in Ireland. They invited me onto a podcast panel and this is the end result. I thought they had pulled me in because they had read my new book, but no; just a coincidence.

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Vox Pop

I was at the premier of the Steve McQueen film Hunger last night in Belfast and recorded this vox pop with people coming out. I think their fresh responses to the film give a sense of the power of it and the readiness of audiences to believe in its integrity.

Many questions have been raised about whether this is IRA propaganda. In fact, the suicide of Bobby Sands is depicted as the fanatical resolve of a man who is past being able to share the concerns of the outside world, where even other republicans want to avert a hunger strike.

(Note for techos – the vox pop was recorded on a Marantz PMD 620 using the built in stereo mics and the manual recording level control to reduce the back ground. I think it worked well.)

I am reviewing the film for Fortnight. Here’s a clip of that review:

We see a new prisoner being admitted to a shit smeared cell and feel ourselves almost sickeningly present with him.
We follow this new prisoner through his induction into the practice of smearing the wall, pouring urine under the door, channelled by a wall of greasy foetid food, to his first secretive wank in a shared cell and his first hammering by prison officers who are trying to get the place cleaned.
This prepares us to imagine that we are going to follow the stories of these individuals through to the end but we are not. We will see the prison officer stand sweating in a light snow shower, suggestive of Auschwitz ash. We will see the prisoner learn to exchange messages and parcels in the visiting area, where they are concealed in mouths, rectums and vaginas. In one scene, a woman shuffles under her skirt to withdraw a parcel and passes it across to a prisoner who shuffles it deftly up his own hole. And the woman smiles, enjoys a joke, perhaps even imagines that this is intimacy.
For her this is novel and even fun; he is only thinking about the practicalities.
When we get to the allegedly interminable scene in which Bobby Sands debates the morality of hunger strike with a Catholic priest, it comes as a relief from the audience’s own sense of confinement in the ghastly world of filth and violence.
Sands, joking about the wounds on his face implicates the priest unwittingly in a joke about the man who has been murdered by the IRA.
There are a few difficulties in the exchange between Sands and the priest. Sands’ recollections of Gweedore include barley fields and woodland. Mine don’t. These are local incongruities, like the prison officer leaving his home in Gransha off the Glen Road, details that won’t trouble foreign audiences.
The priest tells Sands that he has become an obsessive fanatic, unable even to love his own child. He accuses him of planning his own suicide. He throws every argument a sane compassionate person could muster against a ruthless man who is prepared to march boldly to his own death and take, potentially, dozens after him.
When the camera then turns to close-up on Sands the effect is almost unnervingly intimate. Then Sands delivers his reply with a story from childhood to illustrate his own courage and individual moral conscience.
From then on we are into the story of his grotesque deterioration.

***

Just got home from Dublin to read the tirades against the above on Slugger.

Republicans will not use the word suicide to describe Sands’ decision to die because the word was used accusatively against him and was central to the argument with the church about the morality of what he was doing.
But it was a decision to die, made in the light of an understanding that Thatcher would not move before at least one hunger Striker had died. So, if I am not concerned about the need to defend the morality of the republican cause or to make their case to the church, why should I avoid the word suicide?

Because it implies despair? OK, but I don’t think it necessarily does imply despair. Is Hari Kiri suicide? It is the ending of one’s life in acceptance of a principle and may not necessarily entail despair.

We have similar pressures from Jihadis to avoid the use of the word suicide in relation to what they call ‘martyrdom operations’. Many of them are motivated by strong conviction and don’t see themselves as discarding their lives and hopes.

Maybe we should equally avoid the term suicide to spare the feelings of those people too. Indeed, maybe we should avoid it altogether since families of all people who kill themselves are entitled to consideration.

I was rebuked recently – and I take the point – for using the term ‘commit suicide’, the word ‘commit’ implying sin or offence – presumably on the understanding that the word ‘suicide’ itself doesn’t but is just a technical term for taking your own life.

Whatever – I am not going to contort language to defend the reputation of Bobby Sands.

As for whether I have simply sold out to take money from some notional master – who is this master who pays me so well? Where can I pick up the money?

And bitter? I don’t think so. I write very little about republicanism these days. But I got an invitation to this film out of the blue and went along and thought that is was really good. Worth commenting on.

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The Catholic Church and the Orange Order

They haven’t exactly settled their differences but they are trying to be friends.

When Cardinal Brady thanked the Orangement for their efforts at conciliation, the Orangemen – some of them – were positively chuffed.

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Paul Bew said at the John Hewitt Summer School last week that the Burntollet March may have been ‘the spark that lit the prairie fire’ i.e. the clash that started the Northern Ireland Troubles. He has come under flak for this on blogs. I interviewed him for the Sunday Sequence programme and – as we do – edited him fairly tightly, but here is the raw uncut interview.

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Belfast blogger Alan Murray is facing charges of harassment for writing about public figures on his blog.
His blog is http://www.holylandswarzone.blogspot.com

He campaigns against the privatisation of public housing. One of the only mixed working class areas in Belfast – The Holy Land – was turned into a student ghetto when conversion of houses into homes of multiple occupancy was grant aided by government. So much for a shared future!
He is on a very important issue here and he has been writing about it more eloquently than most – and got beaten up for his trouble.

But the worry for bloggers is that they can be prosecuted for naming public figures whose conduct they question!
And if a blogger can be prosecuted for this, then so can a journalist.

Below is Alan’s account of how he has found himself charged with harassment for writing on an issue of public importance.

A brief synopsis of events is as follows:-

1. An article appeared in the South Belfast News credited to Katrina O’Neill. You can see it here

http://holylandswarzone.blogspot.com/2008/05/tonys-fraudulent-article.html

2. I wrote an online criticism of it. You can see it here

http://holylandswarzone.blogspot.com/2007/05/short-note-on-banality-of-evil.html

3.A row broke out between Katrina O’Neill and myself at a residents’ meeting. I discuss it here

http://holylandswarzone.blogspot.com/2007/05/public-accountability.html

Three police officers were present including Inspector Lewis Brown. She made no complaint to them at the time. It was sixteen days before she made a complaint.

4. Katrina O’Neill and I passed each other in the hoarding outside the Ormeau bakery on the 29th May.

5.On the 2nd June 2007 I was assaulted at 4pm in Agincourt Street. I will supply you with photographs of my injuries. Present during the assault were:-
-Katrina O’Neill
-Tony McGuinness
-Mark O’Neill, brother of Katrina
-A friend of Mark O’Neill
-Bernard O’Neill, father of Katrina and member of Sinn Fein who intimidated witnesses who were filming the incident.

I walked down to Donegall Pass to report the assault on me. The desk assistant called a ambulance. Six officers arrived from the scene and took me into a small room. They proceeded to bully me into not pressing charges. They also cautioned me for criticising Katrina O’Neill at the residents’ meeting and on the internet and for “looking” at her outside the Ormeau Bakery.

6. On the 4th June 2007 Police cautioned me for criticising David Farrell on the internet. An account of their visit can be found here.

http://holylandswarzone.blogspot.com/2007/06/stasi-wear-kid-gloves-these-days.html

The officer in question was not a detective, but Constable Robert Steven Kingsman wearing a non uniform jacket. I was also incorrect about the electricity company. Their security guards are allegedly harrassed by local protestors.

7.On Monday 2nd July 2007 I was arrested for criticising David Farrell on the internet. The two articles he cites as harassment can be found here.

http://holylandswarzone.blogspot.com/2007/06/stasi-wear-kid-gloves-these-days.html

http://holylandswarzone.blogspot.com/2007/06/failure-of-regeneration.html

8. After publishing this

http://holylandswarzone.blogspot.com/2007/08/tony-comes-out-of-closet.html

I was cautioned by police for harassment against Tony McGuinness. I don’t recall the date of their visit.

9.After publishing this

http://holylandswarzone.blogspot.com/2007/09/katrina-wakes-up-and-smells-coffee.html

I was arrested and charged with harassment against Katrina O’Neill. The arrest took place on the 27th September 2007.

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Northern Ireland is still in evangelising mode.
We are singing own achievements to the world.
Yesterday Martin McGuinness and Jeffrey Donaldson came back from Finland where they had been meeting Iraqis to urge them towards peace.
Our church leaders are currently in Israel and Cardinal Brady hopes to go into Gaza to provide moral support to christians there, and a little guidance on peacemaking too, if they ask for it.
Well we have been marketed abroad by the best as an example to the world that ancient intractable conflicts can come to an end.
Some of the giddiest exponents of this message have been Bill Clinton and Tony Blair. And, since they can take some credit for a peace process, it is hardly surprising that they would exaggerate its achievements.
The problem with this is that it inflates the already problematic self-importance of Northern Ireland.
We don’t need to relish the sense that we are of global importance; we have that sense already.
What we need is to come down from our platform and realise that we are about as significant in global terms as Humberside or Brittany.
And anyway, as a witty colleague put it to me, surely countries that want to learn about living in peace should go to Switzerland.
Yet there is a global market for wisdom drawn from the Northern Ireland experience. An extraordinary number of people from here have been abroad to conferences and workshops, encounter groups and secret mediation sessions to sell the benefits of the Northern Ireland peace process experience.
One night at dinner at the police training centre at Garnerville I sat with a UVF man and a Republican exchanging their snapshots from Nicaragua and South Africa and sharing stories about what great times they’d had.
The Northern Ireland peace process model is being sold as the answer for Kashmir, Iraq, Armenia, Kosovo, the Middle East.
Have you got a little interethnic mayhem on your doorstep? No need to worry. Northern Ireland will be your guiding light to peace and freedom.
Well, will it?
What Blair and Clinton would have you believe is that the template of power-sharing, as worked out here, can be exported.
The flaw in that argument is simple. It was worked out here in 1973, and we hope that it is now stable and functioning at last.
The Israeli writer, David Grossman, whose son, a soldier, was killed in the last Lebanon war, says something that resonates very strongly with Northern Ireland experience.
He says most people in Israel and Palestine already know the solution and the compromise. The problem is getting to it, and if Israel had good leadership that leadership would be making that solution plain and clear.
That, is his lesson from Israeli experience, and it is the chief lesson of our own.
We almost never talk about how we got to the point where we were ready to agree a deal that was, in its essentials, more than 30 years old.
And why do we not talk about that? Because to do so would shame those who delayed it, our slowest learners.
Instead, we let them be the great achievers, the champions of peacemaking, let them stride the world with their carpetbags of ideas, and take the credit for heroic compromises that most of us would have made 30 years ago.

The lesson of Northern Ireland is that you move at the pace of the slowest among you, and then they get the credit for the whole thing when they come on board.

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A Peter Taylor documentary in the BBC’s Age of Terror series, says that Martin McGuinness knew about plans for the Enniskillen bomb in 1987. Surprise surprise!

It really isn’t news that Martin McGuinness was the leader of the Provisional IRA’s Northern command during the 1980s. Practically every book on the history of the Provisionals tells us that.

It is only a matter of extrapolation then to work out how much responsibility he had for carnage during the Troubles.

So, when Peter Taylor, the investigative journalist connects McGuinness to the Enniskillen bomb, as he did in his Age of Terror documentary this week, he is, in one way, merely stating the obvious.

By similar extrapolation we can connect McGuinness to the IRA’s campaign against construction workers, the assassination of loyalists, the long-range sniper attacks on British soldiers and virtually any category of IRA activity you like to mention; the torture and assassination of suspected informants, for instance, the bombing of a fun run in Lisburn.

All Taylor really told us about McGuinness is that he was a top provo.

It is what we knew.

Logically his telling us changes nothing and yet, potentially, it changes everything.

McGuinness himself may think that most of us believe his claim that he left the IRA in 1973.

No one at all believes that, least of all those who loudly proclaim it.

But we know our Martin and forgive him, don’t we?

We’re really impressed that he has turned out to be so amicable and cheerful, having snarled at us so much over the years about ‘the cutting edge’ and tripe like that.

It’s not that we don’t know what he did, just that we don’t want it shoved in our faces, lest we should doubt our decision to forgive him, for that is what we have done.

It is hard to reconcile the gritty, bitter hard man of the eighties with the affable poet, fisherman, DFM of today.

One thing the contrast tells us is that McGuinness is deeply relieved to be where he is now, with his bloody past behind him.

The alternative futures that he would have envisaged for himself 20 years ago must have included a grisly death or a long term of imprisonment.

Compare, for instance, the fates of many Palestinian leaders of similar standing: Arafat trapped in his bombed bunker for months before he dies, where even the toilets didn’t work; Yassin and Rantissi bombed from the air. It was fortunate for Adams and McGuinness, and those around them, that the British opted for a strategy of infiltrating and managing the IRA rather than destroying it.

If the British had changed that policy at any time, they would not have announced it and given the army council a chance to scatter. Adams and McGuinness would probably just have gone the way of INLA leader Ronnie Bunting, shot dead in his home by slick assassins that most republicans sincerely believe were from the SAS. McGuinness lived most of his adult life with the expectation that that was a turn his fortunes might take.

We would simply have woken up one morning to the news that he was dead.

But how secure is Martin McGuinness, even now, against embarrassing, even politically crippling, disclosures from his past?

Surely someone who touched the lives of so many has left evidence and witnesses behind of the offence he has given.

In a normal political environment a contender for political leadership is scrupulously vetted for depth charges in history: affronted lovers, bank statements, hijinks on You Tube. Where politics is normal, no party in its right mind would run Martin McGuinness, with his past.

The danger of embarrassing disclosures is too great.

We may know broadly what job he had in the IRA; it’s doubtful we could bear the details, and we can’t be sure we’ll forever be spared them.

This is the theme of David Park’s brilliant new novel The Truth Commissioner, in which a Sinn Fein minister – the Minister for Children and Culture – is threatened by the exposure of past deeds, some of which were not cultural or considerate of children at all. Logically, everyone knows, in broadbrush terms, the kind of things the minister did. Yet, when a plausible claim is suddenly made explicit, his position becomes untenable.

On the one hand we know what McGuinness did; on the other, we know little or nothing of the detail. Nor might we want to, just yet, when disclosure might create such political damage.

Some know very clearly. Ian Paisley is a member of the Privy Council and entitled to the fullest briefing he could ask for.

Old peelers know.

They probably marvel at the irony that McGuinness, having chosen so many of the victims in Northern Ireland, got to help pick the victims commissioners too.

But this is an irony for future reflection.

It may be that when we have moved so far beyond the Troubles that we no longer see politics as an essential contrivance for sparing us their resumption, we will look with a colder more critical eye at the characters and careers of the people we have elevated. And we may not remember that this generation showed extraordinary forbearance and forgiveness. We will just wonder if it had a particular fondness for dangerous men.

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